A Massive LinkedIn Study Reveals Who Actually Helps You Get That Job

2022-09-17 20:40:16
关注

If you want a new job, don’t just rely on friends or family. According to one of the most influential theories in social science, you’re more likely to nab a new position through your “weak ties,” loose acquaintances with whom you have few mutual connections. Sociologist Mark Granovetter first laid out this idea in a 1973 paper that has garnered more than 65,000 citations. But the theory, dubbed “the strength of weak ties,” after the title of Granovetter’s study, lacked causal evidence for decades. Now a sweeping study that looked at more than 20 million people on the professional social networking site LinkedIn over a five-year period finally shows that forging weak ties does indeed help people get new jobs. And it reveals which types of connections are most important for job hunters.

The strength of weak ties “is really a cornerstone of social science,” says Dashun Wang, a professor at the Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University, who was not involved in the new study. For the original 1973 research, Granovetter interviewed people late in their career and asked them about their experiences with job changes. Before his groundbreaking paper, many had assumed that new positions came from sources such as close personal friends who would put in a good word, headhunters who would seek out strong candidates or public advertisements. But Granovetter’s analysis showed that people actually got new jobs most frequently through friends of friends—often someone the job seeker had not known before they started looking for a new position. “That really shook people up because assumptions about how people find the best jobs in life doesn’t look to be true—it looks like actually strangers might be the best contacts for you,” says Brian Uzzi, also a professor at the Kellogg School of Management, who was not involved in the new study.

What gives strangers an edge over friends? Granovetter posited that close connections—people in the same circle—largely have the same facts and professional options at their disposal. But people who belong to different communities can offer a whole new set of information and helpful connections. A mutual friend can act as a bridge, connecting the job hunter to a contact in a different group, which provides new opportunities.

This explanation was based on observational data showing a correlation between weak ties and job mobility. But correlation is not causation, and in the nearly 50 years since Granovetter first set down his idea, researchers had not proved that an applicant’s weak ties are the specific thing that causes them to nab that new job. Two decades ago, when he was a graduate student, Sinan Aral could not help noticing that gap. “There’s a 500-pound gorilla in the middle of the room of this literature, which is that we don’t have any causal evidence for any of these theories,” says Aral, senior author of the new study, who is now a professor of management at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “We don’t know whether weak ties are correlated with goodness [such as new jobs] because weak ties themselves are good or because people who make weak ties have some unobserved characteristics that also make them more productive, have good ideas and get better jobs, promotions and wages.” As Wang puts it, “People use this theory and associated concepts to explain a wide range of phenomena, but there has not been a causal test for whether weak ties are causally linked to job opportunities. And that’s what this paper does.” The study was published in Science on Thursday.

Developing experimental proof of this theory is extremely challenging. To test causality with the rigor of a randomized clinical trial, researchers would have to take two equivalent groups of people, experimentally manipulate their social networks by giving one group more weak ties and the other fewer and then observe whether the groups experienced different outcomes. But Aral and his colleagues discovered that LinkedIn had already done something almost as good. As engineers for the professional networking site tweaked the algorithm for recommending “People You May Know,” they ended up conducting many natural social experiments. In one case, LinkedIn would randomly vary the number of weak-tie, strong-tie and total recommendations that it displayed for users, where the strength of a tie depends on the proportion of mutual to nonmutual connections. This provided a perfect experiment to test Granovetter's idea. The researchers, led by LinkedIn applied research scientist Karthik Rajkumar and M.I.T. graduate student Guillaume Saint-Jacques, analyzed five years of these data, comparing LinkedIn users who were algorithmically assigned more weak-tie recommendations (and therefore formed more weak ties) with those who were assigned more strong-tie suggestions. Next, they estimated how adding a strong or weak tie affected subjects’ subsequent job mobility. Thanks to LinkedIn’s algorithmic experiments, the team could distinguish the influence of tie strength from that of the total number of new ties.

The results not only supported Granovetter’s theory but also added several refinements. First, not all the weak ties were equally helpful. If the strength of a tie depended on the number of mutual contacts, then moderately weak ties where two people shared roughly 10 acquaintances mattered the most. But ties’ strength can also be measured by interaction intensity, or the frequency with which you contact your weak-tie acquaintance. When the researchers examined this metric, they found that the most useful ties were the ones that people did not interact with very often. Finally, the team found that these effects varied by industry: weak ties on LinkedIn were particularly beneficial in digital industries, which tend to involve machine learning, artificial intelligence, robotization, software use, and remote and hybrid work, compared with “analog” industries that require in-person presence.

These results could benefit job seekers pondering how to build and evolve their social networks. For instance, when it comes to LinkedIn’s suggestions of people to connect with, “you may not want to ignore those,” Aral says. “And if you get a recommendation for somebody, and you don’t see what the connection could possibly be,” they still might be worth exploring. “Those are the ... weak ties that might actually be the source of your next job,” he adds.

Despite these results, it’s important not to neglect strong ties, Wang says. This study focused on successes—that is, people who got new jobs. But it did not examine all of the failures and rejections that happened before the success. To persist in a grueling job search, we need strong ties to provide social support. “Only observing successes is going to tell us only part of the story,” Wang notes. “In order to really be successful in the end, you really need your strong ties.” These strong ties are vital for groups such as immigrants, who often form tight-knit communities to deal with the discrimination and other pressures they experience. But this also means that they may have a harder time accessing weak-tie opportunities. “Some of the things that hold immigrant groups or disadvantaged groups back is the very fact that it’s harder for them to have these weak ties,” Uzzi says.

Along with job seekers, policy makers could also learn from the new paper. “One thing the study highlights is the degree to which algorithms are guiding fundamental, baseline, important outcomes, like employment and unemployment,” Aral says. The role that LinkedIn’s People You May Know function plays in gaining a new job demonstrates “the tremendous leverage that algorithms have on employment and probably other factors of the economy as well.” It also suggests that such algorithms could create bellwethers for economic changes: in the same way that the Federal Reserve looks at the Consumer Price Index to decide whether to hike interest rates, Aral suggests, networks such as LinkedIn might provide new data sources to help policy makers parse what is happening in the economy. “I think these digital platforms are going to be an important source of that,” he says.

参考译文
LinkedIn的一项大规模研究揭示了谁能真正帮助你得到这份工作
如果你想找一份新工作,不要只依赖朋友或家人。根据社会科学中最具影响力的一个理论,你更有可能通过“弱联系”获得新职位,即那些与你只有少量共同联系人的人。社会学家马克·格兰诺维特(Mark Granovetter)在1973年发表了一篇论文,首次提出了这一观点,该论文已被引用超过65000次。但此后几十年中,这一被称为“弱联系的力量”的理论,却始终缺乏因果关系的证据。如今一项全面研究对LinkedIn上2000多万人的数据进行了五年期分析,最终显示建立弱联系确实有助于人们找到新工作。研究还揭示了对求职者而言哪些类型的联系最为重要。西北大学凯洛格管理学院的教授达舒恩·王(Dashun Wang)表示:“弱联系的力量真的是社会科学的基石。”他并未参与这项新研究。在1973年的原始研究中,格兰诺维特采访了职业生涯后期的人士,询问他们对换工作经历的看法。在格兰诺维特提出这一开创性论文之前,很多人认为新职位通常来自亲密朋友的推荐、猎头的主动寻找,或是公开广告。但格兰诺维特的分析显示,人们实际上最常通过朋友的朋友获得新工作——这些朋友往往是求职者开始找工作之前并不认识的人。西北大学凯洛格管理学院的教授布莱恩·乌齐(Brian Uzzi)表示:“这对人们来说是一个很大的震动,因为我们原先关于如何找到人生中最佳工作机会的假设似乎并不成立——看起来实际上陌生人可能是你最好的联系人。”乌齐也没有参与这项新研究。为什么陌生人比起朋友更有优势?格兰诺维特认为,紧密联系的人——即处于同一圈子的人——通常拥有相同的信息和职业选择机会。而不同圈子的人则可以提供全新的信息和有用的联系。一个共同朋友可以充当桥梁,将求职者与另一个群体的联系人连接起来,从而带来新的机会。这一解释基于观察数据,显示弱联系与职业流动之间存在相关性。但相关性并不等于因果关系。在格兰诺维特提出这一观点近50年之后,研究人员仍未证明申请人的弱联系确实是导致他们获得新职位的决定因素。二十多年前,当辛南·阿拉尔(Sinan Aral)还是研究生时,他就注意到了这一差距。阿拉尔是这项新研究的资深作者,他现在是麻省理工学院的管理学教授,他说:“在这篇文献中,房间中央有一只500磅的大猩猩——我们没有任何因果证据来支持这些理论。”阿拉尔指出:“我们不知道弱联系与成功(比如获得新工作)之间的相关性是因为弱联系本身是有益的,还是因为那些拥有弱联系的人还有一些未被观察到的特点,这些特点也使他们更高效、更有创意,并能够获得更好的工作、升职和薪资。”正如王所说:“人们利用这个理论及相关概念来解释广泛的现象,但之前从未对弱联系与就业机会之间是否存在因果关系进行过因果验证。而这篇论文正是这样做的。”这项研究于周四发表在《科学》杂志上。要为这一理论发展出实验性的证据非常具有挑战性。为了以随机对照临床试验的严谨方式测试因果关系,研究人员需要将两组人分成完全等同的两组,人为调整他们的社交网络,给一组更多弱联系,另一组更少,然后观察两组是否出现不同的结果。但阿拉尔及其同事发现,LinkedIn实际上已经做了一个几乎同样有效的事。当这个职业社交网站的工程师调整了其“你可能认识的人”推荐算法时,他们无意中进行了许多自然的社交实验。例如,LinkedIn会随机调整为用户推荐的弱联系、强联系和总联系数,而联系的强弱取决于共同联系人比例。这为验证格兰诺维特的理论提供了一个完美的实验。由LinkedIn应用研究科学家卡蒂克·拉朱库马尔(Karthik Rajkumar)和麻省理工学院研究生吉亚乌姆·圣雅克(Guillaume Saint-Jacques)领导的研究人员分析了五年的这些数据,比较了被算法推荐更多弱联系(因此建立更多弱联系)的LinkedIn用户与那些被推荐更多强联系的用户。然后,他们估算增加一个强联系或弱联系对用户后续职业流动的影响。得益于LinkedIn的算法实验,研究团队能够将联系强度的影响与新联系总数的影响区分开来。研究结果不仅支持了格兰诺维特的理论,还添加了几个补充信息。首先,并非所有的弱联系都是同样有帮助的。如果联系的强弱取决于共同联系人的数量,那么那些两人之间约有10个共同联系人的“中度弱联系”是最重要的。但联系的强弱也可以通过互动强度来衡量,即你与弱联系人联系的频率。当研究人员分析这一指标时,他们发现最有用的联系是那些人们很少互动的联系。此外,研究团队还发现这些效果因行业而异:在涉及机器学习、人工智能、自动化、软件使用和远程及混合办公的“数字行业”中,LinkedIn上的弱联系比需要现场存在的“模拟行业”更能带来好处。这些结果可能会帮助那些思考如何建立和扩展社交网络的求职者。阿拉尔指出:“当涉及到LinkedIn上的人脉推荐时,你可能不想忽略那些人。”“即使你看到一个推荐,一时看不出有什么联系,”这些人也可能值得去探索。“这些人可能是你下一份工作的来源。”他补充道。尽管有这些发现,王强调不要忽视强联系。这项研究关注的是成功案例,即那些找到新工作的人。但它并没有分析成功之前的失败和拒绝。要在一个艰难的求职过程中坚持下去,我们需要强联系来提供社会支持。王指出:“仅观察成功只会告诉我们故事的一部分。”“要想最终真正成功,你需要你的强联系。”这些强联系对于如移民群体等常形成紧密社区以应对歧视和其他压力的群体至关重要。但也意味着他们可能更难接触到弱联系的机会。乌齐指出:“一些阻碍移民群体或弱势群体前进的因素正是因为他们更难建立这些弱联系。”除了求职者,政策制定者也能从这项研究中获得启示。阿拉尔指出,这项研究强调了一个事实,即算法在影响基本而重要的结果方面起到了重要作用,例如就业和失业。“LinkedIn上‘你可能认识的人’功能在获取新工作中的作用,展示了算法在就业上,以及可能在其他经济因素上的巨大杠杆作用。”他还补充说,这表明这些算法可能成为经济变化的风向标:就像美联储通过消费者价格指数来决定是否加息,阿拉尔建议,LinkedIn等社交网络可以提供新的数据来源,帮助政策制定者解读经济状况。“我认为这些数字平台将成为这些数据的重要来源。”他说。
您觉得本篇内容如何
评分

评论

您需要登录才可以回复|注册

提交评论

提取码
复制提取码
点击跳转至百度网盘